On Monday, U.S. District Court Judge
Shira Schiendlin ruled that the New York City Police
Department's use of "Stop and Frisk," a policing tactic in which
officers detain and search citizens on the street who are guilty of
suspcious behavior, is unconstitutional as currently practiced.
Mayor Michael Bloomberg and his police commissioner, Ray Kelly,
consider the tactic an unequivocal success, crediting it with
bringing New York City's rate of gun-carrying
among teens to half the national average. Critics, who claimed
victory after Monday's ruling, contend the policy has led to
wholesale stops of young black and Latino men, who endure public
humiliation and frequent harassment based on nothing more than
their skin color and their proximity to high-crime areas.
In Judge Schiendlin's rulling in Floyd v. New York, she found that the NYPD violated the 4th Amendment (protection from unreasonable search and seizure) and 14th Amendment (equal protection under the law) rights of the plaintiffs. The decision presented the following "uncontested" facts:
Manhattan Institute Senior Fellow Heather Mac Donald, a supporter of Stop and Frisk, says the numbers show no evidence of racial profiling:
Mac Donald cites the hypothetical case of an individual stopped by police for trying all the door handles on a row of cars. This person may then be released by police because of lack of evidence, but that does not mean the person is "innocent."
Critics argue that all an NYPD officer needs to justify a stop is to complete a UF-250 form, which is a checklist of 10 suspicious behaviors. More than 50% of all stops in 2011 cited "furtive movements" as a cause, which can include fidgeting, putting hands in pockets, and turning the other way when police are approaching. That is to say, the definition is so arbitrary as to be meaningless, leaving police with no reasonable limits on their authority to detain citizens at any time.
In some cases, the very act of being stopped and frisked changes the nature of the crime. During police stops, officers routinely order citizens to empty their pockets, sometimes bringing marijuana into plain view and triggering an arrest. Possession of marijuana in New York results in a $100 fine, but once it's in plain view, it becomes a Class B misdemeanor, punishable with jail time.
Mac Donald calls this practice "an abuse of power." Commissioner Kelly also condemned the practice, and yet 400,000 New Yorkers have been arrested for minor marijuana charges on his watch, with 50,000 arrests just last year.
In Judge Schiendlin's rulling in Floyd v. New York, she found that the NYPD violated the 4th Amendment (protection from unreasonable search and seizure) and 14th Amendment (equal protection under the law) rights of the plaintiffs. The decision presented the following "uncontested" facts:
Between January 2004 and June 2012, the NYPD conducted over 4.4 million Terry stops.Sunita Patel, an attorney for the Center for Constitutional Rights, which filed the class-action suit on behalf of 12 New Yorkers, concedes that officers have the right to detain and frisk an individual per the 1968 Supreme Court decision Terry v. Ohio. The purpose of the lawsuit, she says, is not to end the practice altogether, but to make it so that if someone is "young, male, and black" it's no longer sufficient cause to stop them.
In 52% of the 4.4 million stops, the person stopped was black, in 31% the person was Hispanic, and in 10% the person was white.
In 2010, New York City’s resident population was roughly 23% black, 29% Hispanic, and 33% white.
Weapons were seized in 1.0% of the stops of blacks, 1.1% of the stops of Hispanics, and 1.4% of the stops of whites.
Between 2004 and 2009, the percentage of stops where the officer failed to state a specific suspected crime rose from 1% to 36%.
Manhattan Institute Senior Fellow Heather Mac Donald, a supporter of Stop and Frisk, says the numbers show no evidence of racial profiling:
Blacks are being understopped compared to their crime rates. Blacks are 23% of the population in New York and yet they commit 80% of all shootings, 70% of all robberies, and 66% of all violent crimes. They're 53% of all stops. The advocates complain about the number of stops, they complain about the racial disparity in stops, but they have never suggested an absolute number of what they think the racial stop ratio should be given the crime rates.Mayor Bloomberg agrees. On WOR-AM radio, he stated that although "nobody racially profiles," blacks aren't being stopped enough. While the numbers show that about one-tenth of one percent of suspects were found to be carrying guns, Bloomberg credits the policy with averting crime before it happens. "Kids think they're going to get stopped," Bloomberg says, "so they don't carry a gun."
Mac Donald cites the hypothetical case of an individual stopped by police for trying all the door handles on a row of cars. This person may then be released by police because of lack of evidence, but that does not mean the person is "innocent."
Critics argue that all an NYPD officer needs to justify a stop is to complete a UF-250 form, which is a checklist of 10 suspicious behaviors. More than 50% of all stops in 2011 cited "furtive movements" as a cause, which can include fidgeting, putting hands in pockets, and turning the other way when police are approaching. That is to say, the definition is so arbitrary as to be meaningless, leaving police with no reasonable limits on their authority to detain citizens at any time.
In some cases, the very act of being stopped and frisked changes the nature of the crime. During police stops, officers routinely order citizens to empty their pockets, sometimes bringing marijuana into plain view and triggering an arrest. Possession of marijuana in New York results in a $100 fine, but once it's in plain view, it becomes a Class B misdemeanor, punishable with jail time.
Mac Donald calls this practice "an abuse of power." Commissioner Kelly also condemned the practice, and yet 400,000 New Yorkers have been arrested for minor marijuana charges on his watch, with 50,000 arrests just last year.
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