Like the ebb and flow of the tide, the
illegal-immigration issue comes and goes as a hot-button topic. Just
compare, for example, how prevalent immigration was in policy debates in
2004 and 2008—and how heated those debates became—with how low it rates
in the 2012 presidential campaign. This is largely a function of
America’s weak economy, which has made the United States less attractive
to immigrants looking for short-term work or a long-term address. In
fact, immigration levels have actually fallen in recent years. There are
11.5 million illegal immigrants in the country today, down from 12
million in 2007. But just like the tide, the challenges and tensions
created by illegal immigration will return as soon as the economy heats
up. In other words, the time for building a 21st-century immigration
system is now—and it’s long-overdue.
First things first: Immigration is not
the problem. Ours is a nation of immigrants—each new wave of immigrants
serving as a wellspring for our country, a reminder of our roots and
history, a surge of growth and dynamism. All told, America’s
foreign-born population stands at
36.7 million—or about 11.5 percent of the overall population—but just
16 million of those immigrants are naturalized (more on that below).
To put those numbers in perspective,
Census Bureau statistics tell us that in 1890, America’s foreign-born
population was 15 percent of the population; in 1900, it was 13.5
percent of the overall population; in 1930, it was 11.5 percent of the
population. In other words, today’s immigration numbers may be high, but
the percentage is well under the highs the last 125 years.
Even so, high immigration levels are
worrisome to some Americans. But consider the alternatives: living in a
country to which no one wants to migrate, or living in a country that is
aging and dying due to low immigration levels.
Immigration into Russia, for instance,
has fallen from 1.2 million to just 185,000. As a result, Russia is
withering away. Researchers with RAND conclude that by the middle of
this century, the transcontinental, multi-ethnic empire built by the
czars will be populated by fewer than 100 million people—down from 145
million today. By 2050, China will be
losing some 20 million people every
five years. Similarly, Japan and Europe are rapidly aging, lacking the
immigration levels and birth rates to reverse the trend. But America’s
population growth rate outpaces Europe’s, Japan’s and China’s—and this
is largely related to immigration.
Although immigration is a good thing,
illegal immigration is not. It undermines respect for the law, eats away
at America’s unity, strains public agencies, distorts the labor market
and even exposes American citizens to security threats, as evidenced by
Iran’s plot to subcontract the assassination of a Saudi diplomat to a
Mexican cartel—and by Mexico’s bloody drug war. As Secretary of Homeland
Security Janet Napolitano recently conceded, “We have, for some time,
been thinking about what would happen if, say, al Qaeda were to unite
with the Zetas” drug cartel.
That explains why securing the border and deterring illegal immigration must be the primary focus of any reform effort.
Regrettably,
the “secure border initiative,” which envisioned the use of cameras,
radar and high-tech sensors to staunch the flow of illegal immigration
from Mexico, was recently cancelled. And the surge of National Guard
troops to border areas, which began in 2006, is being
phased out this year.
The importance of securing the border
cannot be overstated. After all, it only stands to reason that the
easier it is to come across the border illegally, the less likely it is
that immigrants will choose legal avenues of immigration.
If/when Washington decides it’s ready to
secure the border, the American people then will be able to focus on
mainstreaming the illegal immigrants who are here by offering a path to
citizenship or offering them a trip back home.
For those who enter the country
illegally, any path to citizenship must include proof that the immigrant
has foresworn allegiance to another country as well as some sort of
penalty. Even if America’s immigration system is imperfect and slow, it
doesn’t give immigrants license to enter the country illegally. No
matter how hard-working he is, no matter how sincere her desire to live
the American dream, the very first act of an illegal immigrant entering
this country is—by definition—to violate U.S. law. If the law means
anything, if there is to be justice for those who enter the country
legally, there must be a penalty for entering illegally.
To bring illegal immigrants out of the
shadows and mainstream them into America’s civic life, we could benefit
from relearning what worked in the past.
From 1892-1954, some 12 million people
entered America through the gateway of Ellis Island. In his history of
Ellis Island, Keepers of the Gate, Thomas Pitkin writes that when
Frederic Howe became commissioner of Ellis Island, his goal was “to have
immigrants well started on their way to becoming good American citizens
before they left the island.” Toward that end, Howe set up partnerships
with local school boards to teach English to arriving immigrants,
provided what one magazine called “a beginner’s class in American
citizenship” and endeavored to “Americanize the immigrant.”
Ellis Island’s lifecycle was a function
of demand. It came into existence because of the demand created by
European migration into the U.S., which almost always culminated at the
ports of New York. Today, with the bulk of immigrants emanating from
Mexico and entering along the U.S. southern border, perhaps it makes
sense to create a constellation of 21st-century Ellis Islands at
high-volume entry points and in areas where immigrant populations are
concentrated. Abandoned military bases could serve as immigration
centers, where immigrants could be evaluated, provided short-term
accommodations, instructed in English and U.S. civics, set on a path
toward full citizenship and “well started on their way to becoming good
American citizens.”
That brings us back to naturalization.
Regrettably, our naturalization system is not living up to the
tried-and-true methods that once transformed the “huddled masses” into
American citizens. According to the Census Bureau, only 44 percent of
the foreign-born population is naturalized today—down from 50 percent in
1980, which was down from 63 percent in 1970, which was down from 78
percent in 1950. This is leading to what Theodore Roosevelt once
described as “
hyphenated Americanism”—and ultimately to balkanization.
TR worried about America becoming “a
tangle of squabbling nationalities” and viewed naturalization—embracing
America, learning English, gaining an appreciation for American history
and civics—as vital to America’s health. “When I refer to hyphenated
Americans,” he explained, “I do not refer to naturalized Americans. Some
of the very best Americans I have ever known were naturalized
Americans, Americans born abroad. But a hyphenated American is not an
American at all. Americanism is a matter of the spirit and of the soul.”
The words are just as true—and just as applicable—a century later.
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