Election Day looking like a referendum on competence
Is this election really about nothing? Democrats might like to think so, but it’s not.
First,
like all U.S. elections, it’s about the economy. The effect of the
weakest recovery in two generations is reflected in President Obama’s 13-point underwater ratings for his handling of the economy.
Moreover, here is a president who proclaims the reduction of inequality to be the great cause of his administration.
Yet it has radically worsened in his six years. The 1 percent are doing
splendidly in the Fed-fueled stock market, even as median income has
fallen.
Second is the question of competence. The list of disasters is long, highlighted by the Obamacare rollout, the Veterans Affairs scandal and the pratfalls
of the once-lionized Secret Service. Beyond mere incompetence is
government intrusiveness and corruption, as in the overreach of national
security surveillance and IRS targeting of politically disfavored
advocacy groups.
Ebola has crystallized
the collapse of trust in state authorities. The overstated assurances,
the ever-changing protocols, the startling contradictions — the Army quarantines soldiers returning from West Africa while the White House denounces governors
who did precisely the same with returning health-care workers — have
undermined government in general, this government in particular.
Obama’s
clumsy attempt to restore confidence by appointing an Ebola czar has
turned farcical. When the next crisis broke — a doctor home from West
Africa develops Ebola after having traversed significant parts of New York City between his return and his infection — the czar essentially disappeared. Perhaps he is practicing self-quarantine.
But
there’s a third factor contributing to the nation’s deepening anxiety —
a sense of helplessness and confusion abroad as, in the delicate phrase
of our secretary of defense, “the world is exploding all over.”
Most
voters don’t care about the details of Ukraine, the factions in Libya
or the precise battle lines of the Islamic State. But they do have a
palpable sense of American weakness.
This
was brought home most profoundly by the videotaped beheadings of James
Foley and Steven Sotloff. It wasn’t just the savagery that affected so
many Americans but the contempt shown by these savages for America — its
power, its resolve. Here is a JV team (Obama’s erstwhile phrase) defying the world’s great superpower, daring it to engage, confident that America will fail or flee.
Obama got a ratings bump when he finally bestirred himself to order airstrikes and
vowed to “degrade and ultimately destroy” the Islamic State. Yet almost
two months later, there is a realization that the disorganized,
halfhearted, ad hoc U.S. reaction has made little difference. The
vaunted 60-country coalition is nowhere to be seen. The barbarians are
even closer to the gate.
Moreover, U.S.
flailing is not just demoralizing at home. It is energizing the very
worst people abroad. Being perceived as what Osama bin Laden called the “strong horse” is, for a messianic movement on the march, the ultimate recruiting tool.
Will
this affect the election? While there is widespread dissatisfaction
with the administration’s handling of the Islamic State, in most races
it has not risen to the level of major campaign issue. Its principal
effect is to reinforce an underlying, preexisting sense of drift and
disarray.
The anemic economy,
the revulsion with governmental incompetence and the sense of national
decline are, taken together, exacting a heavy toll on Democratic
candidates. After all, they represent not just the party now in government but the party of government.
This portends a bad night for Democrats on Tuesday. State-by-state polls show continued Democratic control of the Senate to be highly tenuous.
With
one caveat. Democrats could make it up with the so-called ground game
(i.e., getting out the vote on Election Day) that polls do not measure.
Just a fraction of the unprecedented success the Democrats enjoyed in
2012 in identifying and turning out their voters (especially young,
female and minority) could shift the results by one or two points. That,
in turn, could tilt several of the knife-edge, margin-of-error Senate
races in their favor and transform what would otherwise be a Republican
sweep into something of a stalemate.
This
could happen. More likely, however, is that the ground-game
differential is minor, in which case the current disenchantment — with
disorder and diminishment — simply overwhelms the governing Democrats.
The
stage is set for a major Republican victory. If they cannot pull it off
under conditions so politically favorable, perhaps they might consider
looking for another line of work.
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