Exclusive: At the G-20 meeting, Putin-bashing was all
the rage, as President Obama and other Western leaders berated Russian
President Putin for his supposed “aggression” in Ukraine. The mainstream
media also piled on. But the reality is much more complex, writes
Robert Parry.
By Robert Parry
In a rational political system, the American neocons would be the
most discredited group in modern U.S. history. If not in the dock for
complicity in war crimes – from Central America in the 1980s to Iraq
last decade – they would surely not be well-regarded scholars at
prominent think tanks and welcomed as op-ed columnists at major
publications.
But the United States doesn’t currently have a rational political
system. Instead of being prosecuted or ostracized, the neocons continue
to dominate Official Washington’s foreign policy thinking. They and
their “liberal interventionist” sidekicks continue to demonize
disfavored “enemy” leaders – just as they did in Central America and
Iraq – and bait doubters for “weakness” if they don’t climb onboard.
And, the mainstream U.S. news media, led by the likes of the New York Times and the Washington Post, falls into line or is actually led by neocons.
Then, politicians, even those who should know better like President
Barack Obama, don’t dare alienate the opinion leaders and thus end up
reinforcing the neocon themes by sounding “tough.”
It may be highly naïve at this point to think that President Obama
will ever demonstrate true leadership by repudiating the neocon “group
think” regarding a whole variety of issues including today’s hotspots,
such as Iran, Syria, Iraq, Russia and Ukraine.
But just pause for a minute and contemplate what would have happened
if President Obama had followed neocon advice last year and launched
massive air strikes to take out Syria’s military over dubious allegations that it was responsible for a Sarin gas attack.
Though Official Washington’s “group think” is that somehow,
magically, the virtually non-existent “moderate” Syrian opposition would
have taken over and everything would have worked out just wonderfully,
the much more likely result would have been that radical Islamists,
either the Islamic State or Al-Qaeda’s Nusra Front, would have seized
power. The black jihadist flag might very well have been flying over
Damascus.
And then what? Could the West tolerate a Syria, in the heart of the
Middle East, controlled by Al-Qaeda or the even more extremist Islamic
State? Plus, with the relatively secular government of Bashar al-Assad
gone, one could bet that there would be horrendous accounts of massacres
against Christians, Shiites, Alawites and other minorities that have
supported Assad’s regime.
Would the United States and Europe stand by and watch? There would be
more demands for Obama to “do something.” And, at that point, the only
“something” would be a massive U.S. military intervention, meaning
hundreds of thousands of troops and hundreds of billions of dollars
without any realistic possibility of ultimate success.
How We Got Here
One should also remember how we got here. There was no Al-Qaeda
presence in Iraq or Syria before President George W. Bush embraced the
crazy neocon scheme of invading and occupying Iraq in 2003. The brutal
Islamic State arose in Iraq in resistance to the U.S. military
occupation as “Al-Qaeda in Iraq.”
Under the leadership of Jordanian extremist Abu Musab al-Zarqawi,
“Al-Qaeda in Iraq” developed an ultra-violent strategy of relying on
extreme brutality, including the slaughter of Shiites and Westerners, to
drive these supposedly heretical forces out of Muslim land.
Though Zarqawi was killed by a U.S. airstrike in 2006, his strategy
lived on, inspiring the unapologetic cruelty of the Islamic State, which
even Al-Qaeda has renounced in favor of its preferred Syrian affiliate,
the Nusra Front.
So, if the neocons hadn’t prevailed a decade ago in their insistence
on invading and occupying Iraq – with the enthusiastic support of the mainstream U.S. media’s “liberal” careerists
– there might not be the current crisis in Iraq and Syria. Yet,
Official Washington continues to submit to a neocon-driven consensus
about what must be done in the Middle East and elsewhere.
Granted, the situation is now such a mess that it is hard to decide
what the best course of action is. But rational policymaking would
surely rule out the advice of the people who created the mess in the
first place.
Instead of being sent to sit in the corner in dunce caps, the neocons
have been allowed to expand the range of their operations, now
spreading their influence to the conflict over Ukraine and the decision
to make Russia and its President Vladimir Putin the latest bogeymen to
justify a new Cold War.
The neocons charted this geopolitical strategy by stirring up trouble
in Ukraine, knowing its sensitivity to Russia’s security. In September
2013, as Putin was helping Obama avert the neocon-desired, U.S. bombing
campaign against the Syrian government, neocons decided to take aim at
Ukraine and Putin.
The plan was even announced by U.S. neocons such as National
Endowment for Democracy President Carl Gershman who took to the op-ed
page of the neocon-flagship Washington Post to call Ukraine “the biggest
prize” and an important interim step toward eventually toppling Putin
in Russia.
Gershman, whose NED is funded by the U.S. Congress, wrote:
“Ukraine’s choice to join Europe will accelerate the demise of the
ideology of Russian imperialism that Putin represents. … Russians, too,
face a choice, and Putin may find himself on the losing end not just in
the near abroad but within Russia itself.”
In other words, from the start, Putin was the target of the Ukraine
crisis, not the instigator. But even if you choose to ignore Gershman’s
clear intent, you would have to concoct a bizarre conspiracy theory to
support the conventional wisdom about Putin’s grand plan of “aggression”
against Ukraine as a first step toward rebuilding the Russian Empire.
[See Consortiumnews.com’s “Why Neocons Seek to Destabilize Russia.”]
Distracted by Sochi
The truth is that when the Ukrainian crisis erupted in February 2014,
Putin was distracted by the Sochi Winter Olympics – and he was
supporting the status quo in Ukraine, i.e. the government of elected
President Viktor Yanukovych, not seeking to expand Russian territory
into Ukraine.
It was the United States and the European Union – behind neocons like
Gershman, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs
Victoria Nuland and Sen. John McCain – that were supporting the toppling
of Ukraine’s constitutionally elected government.
These facts are obvious and indisputable. They were even recognized by former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who said in an interview with Der Spiegel:
“Putin spent tens of billions of dollars on the Winter Olympics in
Sochi. The theme of the Olympics was that Russia is a progressive state
tied to the West through its culture and, therefore, it presumably wants
to be part of it. So it doesn’t make any sense that a week after the
close of the Olympics, Putin would take Crimea and start a war over
Ukraine.”
In other words, Putin actually wanted to cooperate with the United
States and the West, as he had demonstrated both in getting Syria to
surrender its chemical weapons arsenal and in encouraging Iran to agree
to an interim agreement for constraining its nuclear program.
But both policies represented a challenge to the neocon agenda, which
continues to seek “regime change” in countries considered hostile to
Israel. Thus, Putin and his behind-the-scenes collaboration with Obama
on finding political solutions to disputes with Syria and Iran had
become threats to what the neocons ultimately want to accomplish, i.e., more wars. So, Putin became the new target.
Yet, the Western news media and virtually all of the West’s political
leaders embraced the neocon narrative that the Ukraine crisis was
entirely the fault of Putin and Russia, both in the larger context and
in each and every incident, including the Kiev regime’s slaughter of
thousands of ethnic Russians. The West’s double-think went that if Putin
hadn’t caused the crisis in the first place, these people wouldn’t have
to be killed.
Thus, the U.S.-backed coup regime in Kiev got almost a free pass on
its brutal “anti-terrorism operation” against ethnic Russian rebels in
the east and south who have resisted the overthrow of their leader
Yanukovych and the imposition of a new order that seeks to enact harsh
International Monetary Fund “reforms.”
When ethnic Russians in Crimea voted to secede from Ukraine and
rejoin Russia – a move accepted by Moscow – the Western press mocked the
referendum as a “sham” and accused Russia of an “invasion” though
Russian troops were already in Crimea as part of an agreement for
maintaining the naval base at Sebastopol.
As Kiev’s “anti-terrorist operation” killed thousands of ethnic Russians in the east – even enlisting neo-Nazi militias
to do much of the dirtiest work – the U.S. mainstream media either
ignored the brutality or somehow shifted the blame onto Russia again.
The Shoot-down: Whodunnit?
On July 17, when Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 was shot down over
eastern Ukraine, the Kiev regime, Washington’s officialdom and the MSM
rushed to blame the rebels for killing all 298 people onboard – and
Russia for supposedly supplying powerful anti-aircraft missiles capable
of bringing down a commercial airliner at 33,000 feet.
Soon after the shoot-down, I began hearing indirectly from U.S.
intelligence analysts that their investigation was actually going in a
different direction, that there was no evidence that the Russians had
supplied such sophisticated weapons, and that suspicions were focusing
on extremist elements of the Ukrainian government. I’m further told that
President Obama was apprised of this intelligence analysis.
But Obama has been unwilling to correct or even update the record.
Why step on a useful propaganda theme? He also may fear being called
“soft” on Putin by deviating from the “tough-guy” conventional wisdom
that blames Putin for everything. Obama has even continued to imply that
Russia was at fault for the atrocity.
Speaking in Australia on Nov. 15, Obama left the impression of
Russian guilt as he reprised the self-congratulatory “America is No. 1”
themes favored by the neocons. He declared: “As the world’s only superpower, the United States has unique responsibilities that we gladly embrace.
“We’re leading the international community in the fight to destroy
the terrorist group ISIL [Obama’s preferred acronym for the Islamic
State]. We’re leading in dealing with Ebola in West Africa and in
opposing Russia’s aggression against Ukraine — which is a threat to the
world, as we saw in the appalling shoot-down of MH17, a tragedy that
took so many innocent lives, among them your fellow citizens.
“As your ally and friend, America shares the grief of these
Australian families, and we share the determination of your nation for
justice and accountability.”
If you parse Obama’s phrasing carefully, you might note that he does
not explicitly blame Russia for the shoot-down of MH-17, but he leaves
that inference. It seems clear that hope is quickly fading – if it ever
existed – that Obama would seize the post-election opportunity to chart a
more realistic and honest approach to U.S. foreign policy.
Obama seems content to follow the lead of the neocons, albeit
sometimes reluctantly and possibly deviating from their most extreme
policies at the last minute – as he did in deciding not to bomb the
Syrian military in summer 2013.
But there are grave dangers in Obama not honestly informing the
American people about what he knows regarding these crises. Yes, he
would face condemnation from the insider community of Official
Washington and face broader Republican accusations of “weakness” and
“capitulation.”
Still, he would at least give the thoughtful part of the U.S. populace a chance to resist the next neocon-scripted disaster.
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